But on Thursday, Francois Hollande and Harlem DÃ©sir, the boss of PS, go celebrate with Angela Merkel in Leipzig of the 150th anniversary of the German Social Democratic Party, the SPD. Again, the French president has shown a bit of discomfort and had to be justified in claiming that the SPD is "a great party. "As if, in France, the term" social democrat "involved the injury to the left. What obviously play commentators. But in reality, this looks like a vain and hollow debate. In at least two levels. First, because it seems unnecessary in theory. Then, because it makes more sense in the current situation.
On the theoretical side, first. The Socialist Party has now abandoned all reference to Marxism. In its policy statement as part of its statutes, the PS openly stated as a "Reform Party" (Article 14) who wants to change the "life and society by law and the contract. "And if he" has a historical critique of capitalism "(Article 6), he wants to advocate" a social market economy "and a" vibrant private sector. "A concept created by recall a German Christian Democrat, Ludwig Erhard, but the program is at the heart of Hamburg SPD 2007, the latest (chapters 26-29).
In addition, the PS since 1983 and the "watershed of rigor" demonstrated its ability to achieve a supply policy. His economic policy is highly "refocused" since that date. These are the PS and governments that led the liberalization of financial markets in the 1980s. Since the famous "neither nor" (or privatization or nationalization "of FranÃ§ois Mitterrand in 1988, nationalization is no longer part of the long PS method, although sometimes some of its leaders can evoke. Jospin's government practiced partial privatization, and that of Jean-Marc Ayrault also evokes the. Note also that a "revolutionary" movement could hardly to pass the "tax credit competitive employment" plans to distribute 20 billion euros to businesses or to defend the idea of ​​spending control. Certainly, the PS has not made a "Agenda 2010" as did Gerhard SchrÃ¶der. But his Conservative opponents have they done more? Actually the difference between the PS and the SPD come under the shade theoretical and practical cultural differences specific to French and German realities. Calling PS "Social Democratic Party" is unlikely to alter this.
In the Scandinavian countries, long regarded as models of social democracy, the Conservatives are liberal parties have the wind in their sails. In Denmark, the Social Democrats came to power in 2011 registering a record low and they had to combine their dissidents left. Polls are their very unfavorable. In Sweden, the Social Democrats are excluded from power since 2006 and in 2010 reached their lowest score since 1914, threatening to below 30%. Same situation in Finland, where the Social Democrats are awarded for the first time in the political history of the country below 20%. The Netherlands, Labour saw an upturn in the elections of 2012, but they are very far, less than 25% of their 1980 levels.
No example is more striking from this point of view than the SPD. Since the "focus" of Gerhard SchrÃ¶der, the party lost much of its popular support. In 1998, he had collected 40.9% of the vote. In 2009, he has received only 23%. This considerable erosion partly by SchrÃ¶der reforms have far to Die Linke (the Left Party of Oskar Lafontaine) or to abstention (which grew by more than 12 points over the same period) part of the electorate. But the centrist voters who could vote by SchrÃ¶der weariness Helmuth Kohl in 1998 or fear of very conservative Stoiber 2002 is now seduced by the moderate Angela Merkel and much more considering turning to a party whose image aging considerably. Young center-left now greatly prefer the Greens SPD. Result: the SPD fails to take off, it is given by the Forsa poll released last Wednesday at 26% against 41% for the CDU.